​In the past three years, my journey across Saudi Arabia—through travel, work, and interactions with its people—has given me a unique perspective on the country's ambitious transformation and Vision 2030. This initiative is leading the nation and its people towards modernization and global integration, infusing Saudi society with a sense of hope and vitality unique in the complex balance of preserving Saudi Arabia's deep-rooted traditions while adapting to the fast-paced changes of the modern world.

One of the most striking examples of this ambition is The Line, which I have worked with for the past three years and is part of NEOM. This project, envisioning a future of urban living devoid of traditional city layouts, emphasizes sustainability, efficiency, and quality of life. It is a testament to Saudi Arabia's commitment to pioneering high-concept urban planning.

Economically, the country is diversifying, tapping into its vast mineral reserves to reduce oil dependency and positioning itself as a critical player in the global supply chain. The burgeoning mining sector and initiatives like the launch of Riyadh Air, aimed at bolstering the tourism industry, reflect strategic steps towards economic diversification. Similarly, the electric vehicle initiative Ceer underscores the forward-looking approach to innovation and sustainable development amidst challenges like high temperatures and water scarcity.

Socially, it is navigating a nuanced path towards liberalization. The evolving dress codes, offering greater leniency and reflecting the country's evolving social landscape, are part of a broader effort to balance respect for traditions with the aspirations of a globally connected population. Despite criticisms, strategic investments in global sports signify a deliberate attempt to engage with the world, boosting national pride and offering new opportunities for youth.

Culturally, the lifting of cinema bans and the growth of the film industry mark Saudi Arabia's ambition to become a cultural powerhouse. These developments, alongside strategic diplomatic maneuvers and the Public Investment Fund's global investments, illustrate the country's efforts to redefine its international image and economic footprint.

Reflecting on my time here, the profound optimism and sense of pride among the Saudi people are palpable. The unique relationship between Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman and the citizens, characterized by deep mutual trust, has significantly bridged the gap between leadership and the populace, fostering a vibrant, forward-moving society. This trust has catalyzed a nationwide transformation, touching every facet of Saudi life.

Witnessing these changes, I've seen the country not just as a place of giga-projects like NEOM but as a community on a collective journey towards a more prosperous, inclusive society. This "Saudi experience," akin to the "American dream," emphasizes a communal pursuit of growth, transcending mere infrastructure to touch the hearts and minds of its people.

The enduring impact of the trust between the Crown Prince and the Saudi people stands out. This mutual respect and confidence have spurred a transformation that promises to redefine every aspect of Saudi life, presenting a compelling leadership and societal engagement model.

The unfolding of Vision 2030 will be a fascinating narrative to follow. It represents an ambitious set of initiatives and a profound transformation touching the economic landscape, social norms, and Saudi Arabia's global ambitions. As the country strides towards crafting a future that honors its past while boldly embracing new possibilities, its journey offers valuable insights for the Middle East and the world.

This bold vision initially drew me to the country. Yet, the warmth of Saudi hospitality and the richness of its culture keep pulling me back and calling it my second home. Hospitality, in its essence, isn't about transforming people; it's about providing a space where transformation can naturally occur. And this is precisely what Saudi Arabia and its people have offered me.

​Creating an A.I. book for kids with the incredible ReadyAI team was a huge task, much harder than we thought. Trying to squeeze the story of A.I. Big Ideas into a small, kid-friendly book felt almost impossible. But this challenge reminded me of what E.H. Gombrich, a young historian without a job in Vienna, did in 1935. He had to write a giant history book for kids in six weeks! Gombrich worked hard, researching all day and writing one chapter each night, then talking about what he wrote with his future wife every week. His writing made the book feel like a bunch of fun blog posts, easy and friendly to read. I first got to know this book thanks to a great mentor in Washington, DC, and 2024, I just had to reread it.

Not long after it came out, "A Little History of the World" (first published in German) was banned by the Nazis because it promoted peace. By then, Gombrichr had already moved from Austria to the United Kingdom. This first success led him to write "The Story of Art," which became a worldwide hit (I also recommend this book), selling over ten million copies and translating into more than 35 languages. Gombrich didn't just list historical facts or give new theories; he was great at making complicated topics easy and exciting to understand. Amazingly, "A Little History of the World" is the only book covering world history from the Stone Age to the 20th century and can be read easily in a day.

Gombrich uses a down-to-earth style to connect with young and older readers alike, showing that even he, as a historian, sometimes finds historical events unexplainable. For example, when discussing why Persia attacked Babylon from 550 to 500 B.C., he admits, "Something amazing happened then. I don't completely get it, but that makes it interesting." His goal is to show how history has shaped our world today. He explains where many common words like 'democracy,' 'vandalism,' 'algebra,' 'paper,' 'duke,' and even the names of days and months come from. This way, he highlights how deeply history is woven into our daily lives and language which is truly fascinating.

Considering the era in which it was written, Gombrich's book focuses mainly on Europe. Although it does cover Indian and Chinese history, Gombrich doesn't seem as excited about important figures like the Buddha—pointing out issues with applying his teachings—and Confucius, who he considers too straightforward. The story of Jesus, on the other hand, is given a lot of attention, including many references from the Bible. Sometimes, Gombrich's choice of words might come across as insensitive, for example, when he compares Roman commoners to Indians or suggests that women in the medieval period were less able to handle discomfort than men. As a result, "A Little History of the World" can be seen more as a story of Western culture from the perspective of the early 20th century, similar to how Henry Kissinger's "Diplomacy" mainly deals with Western political history despite its general title.

Despite its straightforward approach, "A Little History of the World" is a valuable tool for young history fans and experts looking to reach a wider audience outside their field. While its child-friendly narrative might not align perfectly with contemporary non-academic writing styles, Gombrich's skill in discussing broad historical themes without being overly simplistic or just listing facts is impressive. The book presents strong opinions, leading to significant criticism, such as from Andrew Roberts in the Financial Times, who felt it should not be used in educational settings because of what he saw as Marxist leanings. This critique often comes from Gombrich's clear depiction of the struggles workers endured during the Industrial Revolution and his direct condemnation of imperialism, which some interpret as a political stance rather than an honest account of historical wrongs.

Gombrich skillfully makes his story captivating and different from what you'd find in a usual Wikipedia page or schoolbook. He aims to lighten the load of memorizing dates for his readers, instead hoping to spark a deep interest and understanding of the importance of history. Gombrich said he wants his readers to relax and enjoy the story without jotting down notes or remembering every name and date. He mixes historical facts with his reflections, showing regret when talking about the harsh realities of the 20th century but also highlighting why it's crucial to know these things to avoid repeating them in the future. Similarly, even though he is saddened by the violence done in the name of religion over the ages, he still manages to keep a positive view of the future despite all the wars and conflicts he talks about.

I can't recommend this book enough—it's truly captivating. Without giving too much away, let me offer you a glimpse to pique your interest. Gombrich starts with an intriguing thought: behind every "Once upon a time," there's another story waiting to be told. He draws an analogy to standing between two mirrors, seeing an endless reflection that fades into the distance but never really ends. This metaphor, introduced on the first page, beautifully sets up the book's exploration of memory, history, and the passage of time. It suggests that even if we can't see or fully grasp Something, it's still there, shaping our understanding of the past.

By the end of the first chapter, Gombrich invites us to view history not just as a collection of stories but as our story—the narrative of the world we all share. He encourages us always to question the "when" and "how" of events, guiding us through humanity's complex, layered stories. This approach not only defines the study of history but also encapsulates Gombrich's mission in the book: to delve into the human stories that have woven the fabric of our collective past. Let's start this journey together.

We are in a time where leaders with ambitions akin to Julius Caesar are emerging.

Look at the leadership styles of Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela, Vladimir Putin of Russia, Viktor Orban of Hungary, Narendra Modi of India, Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, the former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, and the former U.S. President Donald Trump. Each was chosen through democratic processes within their countries, which possess different levels of liberty and impartiality. All of them have utilized their governmental power to maintain their hold on authority. While varying in effectiveness, each leader has contributed to the decline of the democratic systems that enabled their rise to power.

Ferdinand Mount's "Big Caesars and Little Caesars" explores this trend of aspiring autocrats, and it is a fascinating read. Using a British term I learned on my recent trip to London, Mount is often described as a "wet Tory," blending traditional establishment principles with more progressive political views. His education includes time at Eton and Christ Church College, University of Oxford.

He has a family baronetcy, which notably links him to his first cousin once removed, the former Prime Minister of the U.K., David Cameron. Mount led the Policy Unit under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher during the 1980s but later distanced himself from the emotional Thatcherite ideology. He then served as the editor of the Times Literary Supplement in the 1990s, and more recently, he has been contributing to publications like the Daily Telegraph and the London Review of Books.

The opening lines of his book resonated with me and the time we are living in, particularly as we are getting ready for elections in the U.S., which is less than ten months away: "Caesars have returned, both grand and modest, in nations large and small, in societies both advanced and developing."

Beginning with that creative and Seuss-like introduction, The book delves into the concept of Caesarism and the role of Caesars in politics, examining the factors that contribute to their rise and fall. Caesar aspires to dictatorial power to dismantle existing structures and position themselves as the sole arbiter of law. The book differentiates between 'Big Caesars' and 'Little Caesars' based on their ambitions and the extent of their success. In Mount's view, 'Big Caesars' are described by their endless acts of violence, law-breaking, and deception, whereas 'little Caesars' define their manipulations as what is required to fulfill their personal goals.

I think the subtitle of the book, "How They Rise and How They Fall—from Julius Caesar to Boris Johnson," hints at a potential issue right from the start: the book blends discussions of dictators like Napoleon Bonaparte and Adolf Hitler with figures such as Boris Johnson, the former British Prime Minister. Most are quintessential 'Big Caesars,' whereas Johnson seems more appropriately categorized as a 'little Caesar.' However, the book adeptly handles this disparity. All types of Caesars share common strategies and tactics, big and small. They all operate on a similar continuum.

The book features chapters on events like the 1820 Cato Street Conspiracy, where a group of radical activists unsuccessfully plotted to decapitate the entire British cabinet, and the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch in Munich, where Hitler and his nascent Nazi Party attempted a forceful overthrow of the Weimar Republic. These events show how figures, initially dismissed as insignificant dictators, can evolve into more formidable threats. The book also examines instances of 'little' Caesarism that have had profound impacts, such as Indira Gandhi's declaration of a state of emergency in India from 1975 to 1977. This period was marked by drastic measures like mass arrests and forced sterilizations, overseen by Gandhi's son Sanjay as part of a population control initiative. Mount argues that Gandhi's actions not only had immediate harmful consequences but also set a dangerous precedent for future leaders like Modi to follow.

Regarding Hitler, history unfolded in a cyclical pattern, initially as a farce and subsequently as a tragedy. His unsuccessful and unlawful coup attempt led to a trial that garnered significant public interest. Following a pardon from his prison sentence, Hitler adopted a multifaceted approach to gain power. He blended electoral victories with acts of street violence, using the latter to intimidate rival political parties.

It's essential to recall how strikingly history can echo itself, mainly because Donald Trump, currently leading in the race for the 2024 Republican Party presidential nomination, is aiming to make a comeback to the White House.

The book illustrates that aspirant Caesars depend greatly on propaganda's power to overshadow factual historical accounts. These leaders craft compelling narratives that appeal to their supporters and the crucial elite they must win over to gain control. With time and the influence of propaganda, the harsh realities are smoothed over. The brutal tactics used in their rise to power are often rationalized as unavoidable necessities.

Occasionally, Caesars shaped their narratives through their writings, as seen with Napoleon's dispatches from battlefields or Hitler's "Mein Kampf." For those Caesars who need to be more skilled in crafting words, there's always the option to delegate the storytelling to sympathetic publicists. In the shadow of every aspiring Caesar, there's often a harmful sycophant ready to pen their version of a "Flight 93 Election" essay. Such writings argue that the political landscape is so critical that using extreme tactics, emergency actions, and dubious alliances is justifiable to seize power.

I think a standout feature of "Big Caesars and Little Caesars" is its significant focus on the downfall of these leaders. The book suggests that a blend of law enforcement, intelligence, eloquence, adherence to lawfulness, and public officials' diligence is critical to these aspiring Caesars' eventual downfall. The emphasis on their decline and fall is significant, given the influence of propaganda. Such an examination helps prevent ordinary citizens from overestimating the political strength of these leaders.

For instance, Donald Trump and his followers often portray the Make America Great Again (M.A.G.A.) movement as an unstoppable juggernaut. However, this narrative overlooks several critical facts. In 2016, Trump lost the popular vote by nearly 3 million votes; in 2020, his loss in the popular vote was more than twice that margin. Since Trump's emergence on the national political scene, the two midterm elections have resulted in significant setbacks for the Republican Party. Currently, Trump is facing four criminal indictments, with many of his associates and subordinates also facing legal proceedings. Highlighting how such aspiring Caesars are eventually removed from the political arena is vital to dispelling the myth of their inevitable, enduring triumph.

After reading the book, shortcomings hinder Mount's ability to improve since readers in the presentation of his book. The most noticeable is his thinly veiled disdain for Boris Johnson, almost like he wishes to destroy him intellectually. Johnson's involvement in advocating for and ultimately achieving Brexit is a significant point of frustration for Mount, as are the numerous other minor scandals and missteps in Johnson's official capacity.

Johnson's victories in the 2016 Brexit referendum and the 2019 general election democratically entitled him to make significant policy errors. However, the book strongly disagrees with this perspective. The author criticizes the pro-Brexit campaign as a blend of nationalism and what he terms "cakeism" – the notion promoted by Johnson that Britons could enjoy the benefits of Brexit without any drawbacks. Regarding Johnson's 2019 electoral victory, the book poses a critical yet valid question: "Was it truly a remarkable achievement to defeat a Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn decisively?"

While the book raises some relevant points, it is marred by its overly intense scrutiny of the 'little Caesar' known for his messy hair. Mount even goes so far as to assert that "no departure in British political history has been more humiliating" than Johnson's exit from No. 10 Downing Street in September 2022 amidst a scandal.

Johnson's departure lacked grace, yet to label it as the most humiliating is quite exaggerated. He was succeeded by Liz Truss, whose tenure as Prime Minister was marked by significant policy and political turmoil, lasting only 49 tumultuous days — the briefest in British history. Interestingly, Mount acknowledges Truss's short-lived premiership just a page after his assertion about Johnson's exit, which casts doubt on either his or his editor's attention to recent events.

Mount asserts that Trump's initial travel ban targeted "immigrants from most Muslim nations." While the executive order was discriminatory and counterproductive, it only affected seven countries, far fewer than the 57 member states in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Mount argues that the uniqueness of Trump's presidency lay in his relentless campaigning and tumultuous governance, seemingly overlooking the parallels with Andrew Jackson's approach to ascending the presidency in the 19th century.

Mount overlooks the significance of Trump's recent promise to dismiss numerous executive branch officials. While it's possible that no U.S. Congress would enact legislation to support this, that's beside the point. As president, Trump demonstrated a significant capacity to bypass the civil service, sparking widespread debate in Washington about the consequences. The seriousness of this threat is underscored by the Biden administration's measures to prevent future presidents from efficiently implementing Trump's proposals.

Mount's understanding of the worldwide Caesar phenomenon is still being determined. He suggests that Johnson and Trump uniquely centered their antagonism on immigration, overlooking the ways Hungary's Orban and Turkey's Erdogan used refugee fears to strengthen their political power. Furthermore, Mount's assertion that "modern Caesarism has been largely overlooked by scholars" reveals a lack of awareness of political science research trends. In the last ten years, there has been a growing emphasis among social scientists on the influence of individual leaders in global politics. Additionally, the rise of populist nationalism has seen a significant increase in research, especially following the rise of Trump and Brexit.

I think Mount's book lacks an entry on "populism," which could be why he believes modern Caesars have been overlooked. While Mount focuses on the leaders of these movements and their ascent to power, political scientists are more concerned with the movements and their root causes. Essentially, they are examining the same issue but from slightly different perspectives. Mount notes that "Caesars gain popularity primarily by boosting national morale, not by enhancing living standards" and that a "new Caesar quickly establishes a division between Us and Them." Both points are fundamental concepts in the study of populism.​

Nonetheless, there is merit in examining the Caesars themselves, as populist leaders frequently exhibit unique psychological traits. As I wrapped up my short trip to London and finished reading the book, it offered valuable insights for those curious about how someone like Boris Johnson could have played a key role in what might be considered Great Britain's most significant foreign policy blunder.